Wickemeyer registered for the draft in New York City on 23rd Mayand his draft card was subsequently sent on to the Draft Board for the 6th Precinct of Richmond, Indiana, the city of his home address. Census entries of, and ; his marriage record and his WWII draft card.
Originally published as Yale L. For educational use only. The printed edition remains canonical.
For citational use please obtain a back issue from William S. This discomfort may be unavoidable, because republicanism is an old belief system and carries signs of its age, while the academic left aspires to be progressive.
In particular, republicans have persistently celebrated the right of citizens to keep and bear arms. It has drawn attention to the Second Amendment as a subject for scholarly analysis,  and it has attracted the notice of no less a popular pundit than George Will at a time when the federal government is seriously discussing nationwide gun control.
I suggest, however, that careful examination of the intellectual context of the right to arms leads to conclusions different from both Levinson's and Brown's. This Article addresses the meaning that the Second Amendment would bear in a modern republican interpretation.
My purpose is primarily heuristic rather than prescriptive: I offer an analysis of the role of the right to bear arms in republican theory, not a judgment concerning the general attractiveness of republican theory as a whole.
Such a concentration on the right to arms in the republican tradition is important for several reasons. First, the Second Amendment, perhaps more than any other provision of the Constitution, is grounded p.
Many commentators have instead offered historical exegeses of the Amendment that, in Biloxi blues essay example view, miss the significance of its surrounding tradition and mistakenly find an individual right to arms for self-defense.
Second, as the dialogue between Brown and Levinson illustrates, some neorepublicans find the Amendment embarrassing and feel the need to prune it from the republican thicket.
In contrast, I argue that the Amendment is central to the republican tradition and perfectly consistent with its principal commitments. Biloxi blues essay example, in a broader sense, an analysis of the Second Amendment in the republican tradition allows a clearer perspective on the overall advisability of a modern republican revival: The republican tradition that lies behind the Second Amendment is not just embarrassing--it is terrifying.
It acknowledges that humans are never wholly in control of their own destinies. At the heart of republicanism lies a paradox that mocks human efforts at self-government: Hence, a republic is in effect a logical contradiction, a paradox in its very nature.
Creating or maintaining a republic against the constant risk of corruption by particularistic interests is therefore the most difficult of tasks. Republican theory, however, offers some structures to aid in this task, prominent among them the universal militia.
The republican framers of the Second Amendment were painfully aware that ultimate political power would lie with those who controlled the means of force. As a result, they sought to arm not a narrow slice of society that might seize the government for its own end, but rather all the citizens in a state, in the form of a universal militia, which would always act in the common good.
In republican thinking, this militia had an ambiguous status. On the one hand, it was a creature of the state apparatus, inasmuch as the state  gathered it, ensured it was universal, trained it in the use of arms, and mobilized it against foreign invasion or domestic insurrection.
On the other hand, it was composed of all of the citizens, deriving its legitimacy from them and being virtually synonymous with them. If the evil of partiality touched a segment of the population, then the militia--constituted as an instrument of the state--could restrain any movement toward demagogic rebellion.
But if the state became corrupt, then the militia--now constituted as "the people"--could resist despotism. Indeed, the line between state and people ideally disappeared in the militia, in that the militia members were both rulers and ruled. From this republican perspective, the error of those who today seek to guarantee a private right to arms is that they would thereby consign the means of force to those who happen to possess firearms--a partial slice of society--rather than to the whole people assembled in militia.
Even in the eighteenth century, literal universality was never more than a rhetorical aspiration or a regulative ideal, but it was nevertheless the prevailing ideal, and any departure from it meant failure.
At a minimum, therefore, any modern version of this militia must be so inclusive that its composition offers some meaningful promise that it will not become the tool of a slice of society, as it could in the case of those who decide for private reasons to buy a gun or to become members of the national guard.
As we today have no such universal militia and no assurance that contemporary arms-bearers will be virtuous, the Second Amendment itself is--for now--outdated. But republican theory does not, in the absence of a virtuous citizenry, give up.
Through the militia ideal, republicanism offers practical guidance on how positively to engender civic virtue, in the form of disinterested self-sacrifice, amongst a nonvirtuous, self-interested populace.
Although this militia ideal may seem hopelessly utopian in its conception of the redemptive possibility of politics, it is central to the historical tradition as an icon of the main theme of republicanism--empowering citizens engaged in deliberative politics in pursuit of a common good.
For courts, the great change from the 's is that without a universal militia it is impossible to hazard a republican reading of the Second Amendment.
Without a militia the right is meaningless. The republican tradition thus suggests that the provision as written has become outdated.Biloxi Blues is the second in a trilogy of semi-autobiographical plays by Neil Simon that cover the life of a writer growing up in s New York City.
The “Eugene Trilogy” begins with the play Brighton Beach Memoirs and ends with Broadway Bound. Mar 25, · “Biloxi Blues” may indeed be based on memories from Neil Simon’s experiences in basic training during World War II, but it seems equally based on every movie ever made about basic training, and it suffers by comparison with most of them.
(Clint Eastwood’s “Heartbreak Ridge” is an example), but never a film in which it /5. Fort Smith is the second-largest city in Arkansas and one of the two county seats of Sebastian County. As of the Census, the population was 86, With an estimated population of 88, in , it is the principal city of the Fort Smith, Arkansas-Oklahoma Metropolitan Statistical Area, a region of , residents that encompasses the Arkansas counties of Crawford, Franklin, and.
Biloxi Blues If one were reading a simple plot summary of this play, it would appear to be a typical story of young men entering the army. Six boys deal with leaving their homes for a place that seems like the middle of nowhere, a stern, intolerable, and borderline insane sergeant, repulsive army food, and each other, while training to be.
Biloxi Blues is, along with Brighton Beach Memoirs (pr. , pb. ) and Broadway Bound (pr. , pb. ), part of a trilogy of autobiographical plays . Louisiana's Traditional Cultures: An Overview. By Maida Owens. An essay adapted from one originally published in the book Swapping Stories: Folktales from Louisiana.
Introduction. A basic principle in the study of folklore and anthropology is that in order to understand a cultural feature, one must understand the context in which it exists.